Traditional theories, recent developments and critiques

Parsons (1908) is regarded as the founder of the vocational guidance movement. He developed the `talent matching' approach which was subsequently developed into the trait and factor theory of occupational choice within the evolving discipline of differential psychology. Parsons' core concept was that of `matching'. He suggested that occupational choice occurs when people have achieved:

A key assumption is that it is possible to measure both individual talents and the attributes required in particular jobs, which can then be matched to achieve a `good fit'. It is when individuals are in jobs best suited to their abilities, they perform best and productivity is highest.

Two theorists within this broad academic tradition, Rodgers and Holland, have been particularly influential so far as guidance practice in the UK is concerned. Like Parsons, both Rodgers and Holland assumed that matching is at the centre of the process. Vocational choice is viewed essentially as rational and largely devoid of emotions. These choices were also regarded to be `one-off' events.

Seven point plan

In 1952, Alec Rodger published his `Seven Point Plan'. Originally devised for use in selection interviews, the plan was enthusiastically embraced by guidance trainers and practitioners as a useful model to inform practice. It consists of seven attributes: physical characteristics, attainments, general intelligence, specialised aptitudes, interests, disposition and circumstances. Application of this plan to guidance practice involves first, an evaluation of jobs against these seven attributes; second, assessment of an individual client against these seven attributes to ascertain the extent to which the client is a `good fit'. Only when there is an acceptable match of the two sets of attributes can a recommendation be made by the guidance practitioner to the client that this is an area worth pursuing.

This framework has been used in a number of ways in guidance practice. For example, to assess whether client aspirations for a particular job or career are realistic when reviewed against actual achievements or potential; to generate job ideas for a client who had few or no job ideas; and to analyse jobs, employment and training opportunities.

Hierarchy of orientations

Working within the same philosophical tradition, Holland (1966, 1973, 1985, 1992) developed an occupational classification system that categorises personalities and environments into six model types: realistic, investigative, artistic, social, enterprising and conventional. His ideas still fall broadly within the matching tradition established by Parsons (1908), since he proposed:

Subsequent developments of his theory place more emphasis on the interaction of the individual with their environment and the influence of heredity (Holland, 1985, 1992). Holland (1994) noted how he had ‘been renovating the internal structure of [his] own theory (Holland, 1992) to give it more explanatory power’ (p.50). He referred specifically to the way in which he had elaborated his typology to include life goals, values, self-beliefs and problem-solving styles, and how the developmental nature of types over the life-span is now incorporated (Holland, 1994).
Osipow & Fitzgerald (1996) consider Holland’s study of vocational selection and behaviour to be very comprehensive, within his theoretical framework (p.80). They verify how extensive investigations and modifications to the original ideas have been undertaken, yet the theory ‘remained fundamentally unchanged’ (Osipow & Fitzgerald, 1996, p.90). On the 40th anniversary of Holland’s first theoretical statement, the Journal of Vocational Behaviour documented the progression and development of his ideas. In the introduction to this festschrift, Savickas (1999) describes Holland’s contribution as ‘a surpassing achievement in vocational psychology’ (p.2). Continuing this theme, Gottfredson (1999) describes how Holland’s ‘monumental research, theoretical, and practical contributions have irrevocably altered the manner in which career assistance is delivered around the world’ (p.15). It seems unquestionable, therefore, that Holland’s ideas have had, and continue to have, a major impact.

Implications for practice

Undoubtedly, trait and factor approaches to careers guidance in the UK have been enormously influential, since they were first developed up to the present day. How can we account for this?

Critiques

The significant, continuing influence of differential approaches on the practice of careers guidance is acknowledged by Savickas (1997) who claims that: ‘Parson’s paradigm for guiding occupational choice remains to this day the most widely used approach to career counselling’ (p.150). Krumboltz (1994) concurs, suggesting that most current practice is ‘still governed by the three-part theory outlined by Frank Parsons (1909)’ (p.14). However, he is critical of Holland’s influence, attributing current problems with career counselling to the continuing influence of this approach. These problems include the low prestige of the profession, the lack of fit of careers counselling within a particular academic tradition and the absence of any significant input in educational reform (Krumboltz, 1994, p.14).

Increasingly, however, the theory is attracting criticism:

Mitchell and Krumboltz (1996) criticise its usefulness in current labour market conditions. Matching assumes a degree of stability in the labour market. The volatility of many occupational environments, together with the increased pressure on individuals to change and adapt to their circumstances makes:

'Trying to place an evolving person into the changing work environment . is like trying to hit a butterfly with a boomerang' (p.263)

Osipow & Fitzgerald (1996) also highlight the failure of the theory to address the issue of change in environments and individuals. Additionally, they draw attention to problems inherent with the theory’s associated measures for gender, but regard the most serious limitation to be its failure to explain the process of personality development and its role in vocational selection (Osipow & Fitzgerald, 1996, p.104).

Scharf (1997) reminds us that:

'There is little research supporting or refuting trait and factor theory itself as a viable theory of career development. Rather, the research that has been done, of which there is a large amount, has related traits and factors to one another or has established the validity and reliability of measurements of traits and factors.' (p.26)

Although most of the work on the theory is still concerned with scale validation and relating traits to other individual differences such as personality facets, work values, leisure interests, and modes of thinking (see Armstrong and Anthoney, 2009; Gaudron and Vautier, 2007; Sullivan and Hansen, 2004), some efforts are being undertaken to establish the implications of the theory. For instance, Rottinghaus, Hees and Conrath (2009) found support for the hypothesis that congruence between interests and work environment yield job satisfaction. An interesting finding is that, in many occupations, dissatisfied individual showed a higher position on the Artistic code. Probably, since there exist few artistic occupations, Artistic individuals may be more likely to compromise congruence in their work lives (p. 15).

Research designed to evaluate Holland’s theory for particular client groups also reveals weaknesses. Mobley and Slaney (1998) suggest that although extensive empirical and theoretical investigations have explored the use and relevance of Holland’s theory, ‘considerably less attention has been devoted to investigating the implications of the theory from a multicultural perspective’ (p.126). For example, Leong et al. (1998) studied the cross-cultural validity of Holland’s (1985) theory in India. Whilst its internal validity was found to be high, results regarding external validity were ‘less than encouraging on several fronts’ (p.449). Elosua (2007) affirmed that Holland’s structure was not validated in the Basque population and Long and Tracey (2006) found a small fit in China. Leong et al. (1998) concluded that their findings suggest that culture specific determinants of occupational choice should be studied as alternatives to the ‘Western assumption of vocational interests being the primary determinants’ (p.453).

In their study of gender differences in Holland’s occupational interest types, Farmer et al. (1998) found limitations for the practical applications of the theory for women, concluding that ‘counselors may need to re-evaluate Holland et al.’s advice on consistency and job stability’ (p.91). As well, Proyer and Häusler (2007) advise that the structural assumptions of Holland's theory fit men better than women.

Sexual orientation is an aspect of Holland’s theory that Mobley and Slaney (1998) consider overlooked. In particular, they suggest that the relationship between Holland’s concept of congruence and gay and lesbian development need to be carefully researched. Another relevant aspect neglected in Holland’s ideas is homophobic tendencies both in the workplace and society at large (p.131).

Despite weaknesses, it is likely that the theory will continue to inform practice. Osipow and Fitzgerald (1996) suggest that Holland’s theory ‘will exert an influence on research in career choice for some time and begin to have a growing impact on counselling itself’ (p.105). No viable alternative existed during the first half of this century, and it was not until the 1950’s and 1960’s that theories originating from different branches of psychology like developmental, behavioural and psychodynamic, together with other academic disciplines such as sociology meant that practitioners had other options.

Developmental theories

The general principles underlying developmental approaches to careers guidance are that:

The names most closely associated with this theory of vocational choice are Eli Ginzberg and Donald Super.

Eli Ginzberg

Ginzberg et al. (1951) proposed three life stages which broadly corresponded with chronological age. First came the fantasy stage which lasted up until eleven years old; second, the tentative stage, lasting from ages eleven to seventeen, with the three substages of interest, capacity and value; third, the realistic stage, which lasted from age seventeen onwards, with substages of exploration, crystallisation and specification.

Donald Super

Super was a doctoral student of Kitson at the University of Columbia. He thought Ginzberg’s work had weaknesses, one of which was the failure to take into account the very significant existing body of information about educational and vocational development (Osipow & Fitzgerald, 1996, p.111). Super (1957) and Super et al. (1961) extended Ginzberg’s three life stages to five (with slightly different sub-stages), arguing that occupational preferences and competencies, individual’s life situations (and hence their self-concepts) all change with time and experience. He also developed the concept of vocational maturity, which may or may not correspond to chronological age. Super (1957) extended Ginzberg's three life stages to five, with slightly different substages. He also developed the concept of vocational maturity, which may or may not correspond to chronological age. Super's five stages were:

For Super, a time perspective was always centrally important to the career development process: “It has always seemed important to maintain three time perspectives: the past, from which one has come; the present, in which one currently functions; and the future, toward which one is moving. All three are of indisputable importance, for the past shapes the present and the present is the basis for the future. But if I were forced to declare a preference in orientation to time, it would be for the future - even after more than fifty years of work experience”
(Super, 1990, p197)

He continued to develop his ideas over a fifty year period, with the life-career rainbow (1980, p289) representing a significant advance. It emphasised the importance the different roles that individuals played at different stages of their life (specifically child, student, leisurite, citizen, worker, spouse, homemaker, parent, pensioner) and the concept of life space (i.e. four major life theatres: home, community, education, work). Super used the concept of `roles' to describe the many aspects of careers throughout an individual's lifespan. Some key ideas include: the number of roles an individual plays will vary; all roles are not `played' by everyone; each role has differing importance at different times for individuals (e.g student); and success in one role tends to facilitate success in others (& vice versa). The development of his ideas about self-concept and vocational adjustment resulted in a redefinition of vocational guidance as:

“the process of helping a person to develop an integrated and adequate picture of himself and of his role in the world of work, to test this concept against reality and to convert it into a reality, with satisfaction to himself and benefits to society” (Super, 1988, p357)

His archway model (so called because it was modelled on the doorway of Super’s favourite Cambridge college) formally conceded the importance of contextual influences (e.g. social policy, employment practices, peer group, family, community, the economy) which operated on individual choice and attributed them equal importance to individual factors (e.g. values, needs, interests, intelligence, aptitudes). Super also acknowledged the contributions from a range of academic disciplines to our understanding of vocational choice (Super, 1990).

Criticisms

Brown (1990) notes the phenomenological, developmental and differential influences on the expansion and refinement of Super’s thinking, suggesting that it was because of these disparate influences that Super failed to integrate strands into a cohesive statement (Brown, 1990, p.355). Indeed, Super acknowledged that a weakness of his theory was its fragmented nature, anticipating its future development:

“What I have contributed is not an integrated, comprehensive and testable theory, but rather a ‘segmental theory’. A loosely unified set of theories dealing with specific aspects of career development, taken from developmental, differential, social, personality and phenomenological psychology and held together by self-concept and learning theory. Each of these segments provides testable hypotheses, and in due course I expect the tested and refined segments to yield an integrated theory.” (Super, 1990, p.199)

This fragmentation was identified as the most serious criticism of the theory (Super et al., 1996) in a chapter published after Super’s death in 1994: ‘Its propositions are really a series of summarizing statements that, although closely related to data, lack a fixed logical form that could make new contributions of their own’ (Super et al., 1996, p.143).

Osipow and Fitzgerald (1996) consider the original version of the theory was too general to be of much practical use, with its conceptual value being limited by its sweeping style - though this weakness had been addressed by subsequent refinements (p.143). They argue that a particular weakness is the failure of the theory to integrate economic and social factors that influence career decisions (p.144).

This concern is echoed by Scharf (1997) and Brown (1990), who propose that Super’s theory does not adequately address the particular challenges that women and ethnic groups present career theory (Brown, 1990, p.355; Scharf, 1997, p.153). Brown (1990) also specifically criticises the theory for its failure to account adequately for the career development of persons from lower socio-economic groups (Brown, 1990, p.355). Linked with these criticisms is an important concern identified by Osipow and Fitzgerald (1996) that ‘in recent years relatively few new empirical tests of the theory have been conducted’ (p.144) Despite weaknesses, Brown (1990) suggests that Super’s theory ‘occupies stage centre, along with Holland’s thinking. There seems to be no reason to doubt that it will continue to be of considerable importance in the future’ (p.356).

Recent developments

In the last years, studies have addressed some of the criticisms. Several researchers have studied the interconnection between developmental phases and context, suggesting that “life/career evolution of the participants can be understood only when taking into account the dynamic interaction between the unique personal characteristics of individuality of each person and the psychosocial theatre within which the person’s development takes place” (Ferreira et al., 2007). These studies include the context that accompanies the individual (e.g. family) as well as the socio-historical context (Palladino Schultheiss, 2008; Schoon et al., 2007). In terms of developing an integrated theory, some researchers have studied how each developmental stage contributes to career outcomes later in life, such as occupational information and school drop out (Ferreira et al., 2007; Jordan and Pope, 2001). Finally, following previous perspectives, several studies have concentrated on acquiring a better understanding of the different developmental stages, with particular efforts on childhood.

Theory of occupational allocation (Opportunity structure)

Like many other theorists, Roberts has developed and modified his views over a long period of time. The ‘opportunity structure’ model was first proposed by Roberts (1968, p176) as an alternative to theories of career development advanced by Ginzberg and Super. On the basis of a survey involving 196 young men aged between 14 and 23 selected by a random canvas of households in a part of London, Roberts (1968) suggested that the:

'momentum and direction of school leavers' careers are derived from the way in which their job opportunities become cumulatively structured and young people are placed in varying degrees of social proximity, with different ease of access to different types of employment' (p179)

Roberts (1968) did not suggest that his alternative theory is one of universal validity (p179). Rather, he argued that entry to employment in different social contexts requires different explanatory frameworks and that entry into employment does not take place in a similar manner amongst all groups of young people, even in the same society. The determinants of occupational choice identified are:

He challenged the relevance of the concept of choice embedded in psychological theories, emphasising the structure of constraints:

'An adequate theory for understanding school-leavers' transition to employment in Britain needs to be based around the concept not of `occupational choice', but of `opportunity structure' (Roberts, 1977, p183)

As a consequence, the scope of careers guidance was somewhat restricted, since it could not make jobs more rewarding for individuals nor create opportunities for personal growth and development. Roberts’ contribution to careers theory carried with it particular significance because he spelt out the implications for careers guidance practice (1977). These included: how the guidance process inevitably became a matter of a adjusting the individual to opportunities available; how guidance should be centred around an individual's immediate problems; and how careers services should concentrate on developing a good information service and more on placement and follow-up. The primary role of practitioners, according to Roberts, was to service the needs of the labour market, rather than to educate, facilitate, or indeed anything else implicated by other theories (Roberts, 1977).

Roberts' critique of developmental theories and new model of occupational allocation was received with caution and scepticism by the guidance community in the UK. A strident critic of Roberts' early ideas was Peter Daws. He criticised both Roberts' (1977) opportunity structure model and his views about the limited effects of careers guidance as both conservative (Daws, 1977) and fatalistic (Daws, 1992). In response, he promoted the value of careers education programmes as being capable of encouraging social change by supporting and educating the individual (Daws, 1977).

Far from changing his ideas as a result of these criticisms, Roberts revised and expanded his determinants of occupational allocation as a result of research into comparative labour markets (buoyant compared with depressed) in the UK. He emphasised (Roberts, 1984) the importance of local labour markets on job seeking for young people, finding that:

Further research into comparative labour markets in the UK and Germany revealed striking similarities in the labour market constraints operating upon young people in these different European countries. Bynner and Roberts (1991) assessed the importance of a country's education and training system for its economic prosperity. Key findings included, first, that broadly similar routes to employment in the two countries were found to exist (career trajectories); second, that for each career trajectory, these routes originated in education, family and background.

In 1995, Roberts argued that the debate about `choice versus opportunity' was never won decisively by either side (p111) because:

Various changes (e.g. economic restructuring, higher unemployment and pressure from young people and their parents) have necessitated new concepts (Roberts, 1995, 1997) to understand the process of transitions into employment:

Individualisation

Life patterns have become more individually distinctive than ever before, because of shrinking social networks and changed social behaviour. Several trends have contributed, including:

Uncertain destinations & risk

Robert's uses the image of different types of transport to convey an understanding of how individuals undertake life transitions. He suggests that typically, people embarkon their life journeys without reliable maps - in private cars, rather than the trains and buses in which entire classes once travelled together. Reflecting reality, these vehicles don't all have equally powerful engines. That is, some young people have already accumulated advantages in terms of economic assets and socio-cultural capital. Some have to travel by bicycle or on foot. Common to all is the requirement to take risks. (Roberts, 1995, p118). Individualization makes young people's later destinations unclear. Young people themselves are aware of this uncertainty and career steps now invariably involve some degree of risk.

Life course replaces life cycle

Established patterns are disappearing where individuals prepared for adulthood, then establish themselves in occupational careers and families. Marital instability together with the growing expectation that individuals will return to education throughout their adult lives (i.e. lifelong learning) has resulted in what Roberts refers to as a destandardization of the life cycle.

Roberts identifies general policy implications and some specifically for career guidance:

a) Customization There is a need for continuous, individualized careers information, advice and guidance. Young people need customized assistance that matches their particular circumstances and involves a mixtures of strategy and chance. Overall, guidance practitioners should acknowledge uncertainty, and help young people work with it:

'. whereas it used to be the minority of young people who made prolonged transitions and embarked on careers that would create individualised biographies, these are now the majority situations. there were always those at age 20 or older, who had little idea of where they were heading. Thirty years ago, they might have been described as vocationally immature. Nowadays, the situation has spread to the majority and what was once labelled immaturity has become plain realism.' (1997, p349)

b) Normalization It is important for practitioners to help clients recognise that this situation is normal and prevent individuals worrying. Information about options and their uncertainties should be included in the guidance process and practitioners will constantly need to update about the changing requirements of employment.

Recent developments

Recent work has continued to study opportunity structures among groups, including gender, national, ethnic, generational, micro and macro socioeconomic differences (see Kenny et al., 2007; Orgocka and Jovanovic, 2006; Reay et al., 2001). Some findings suggest that there are still differences in terms of employment realities but not of ideals or expectations (Bielenski and Wagner, 2003). As well, some studies have explored how structures change over time, for example in relation to political-economic models, finding that although the old structures were gone and individuals felt more in control of their lives, new powerful structures emerged (Roberts, 2006). Researchers have proposed the term ‘bounded agency’, suggesting that individuals exercise choice within their opportunity structure, and that informal interactions can support or inhibit this (Diemer and Blustein, 2006; Diemer et al., 2006; Evans, 2002). Also, some researchers have studied the topic of opportunity structure in the case of more privileged individuals, finding that they perceive structural conditions are less relevant to their choice than their own human capital and capacity (Ozbilgin, Kuskus and Erdogmus, 2005). Finally, many of the studies concentrate on youth and school to work transitions.

Conclusion

Roberts, like other theorists, has been developing ideas in response to changes that have occurred over the past 30 years. Guidance practitioners have often reacted negatively to his thinking. His views about the limitations of guidance have been regarded as deterministic, negative and even gloomy, denying the autonomy of the individual and their right to choose. However, many of his ideas have been reflected in policy changes that have been implemented in the area of careers guidance over the past 20 years. In 1997, he warned that careers services' preoccupation with a target driven culture and with action plans was endangering resources being drawn away from the clients who most needed help to those who were most adept, as consumers, at working systems to their advantage: `Guidance staff may feel, or be made to feel, unable to devote the necessary time to young people whose problems are likely to be the most time-consuming (p358). The refocusing agenda has, of course, now ensured that this is less likely to occur.

In an assessment of the impact of the Connexions Service on careers guidance, Roberts (2000) concluded that it will be at the heart of the new service. The new policy priorities embodied in the Connexions Service demand a particular combination of knowledge and skills which careers services can supply. He observes that:

'Many careers officers have long aspired to broaden out into life counselling. They will now have that chance. The attractions of careers in careers guidance will receive a boost' (p27).

Learning theory of careers choice & counselling

From social learning to happenstance

The original theory (Krumboltz et al, 1976, Mitchell & Krumboltz, 1990), known as the social learning theory of career decision making (SLTCDM), has recently been developed into the learning theory of careers counselling (LTCC) (Mitchell and Krumboltz, 1996). The more recent version attempts to integrate practical ideas, research and procedures to provide a theory that goes beyond an explanation of why people pursue various jobs: `While the two theories were published at different times, they can be regarded as one theory with two parts. Part one (SLTCDM) explains the origins of career choice and part two (LTCC) explains what career counsellors can do about many career related problems' (Mitchell and Krumboltz, 1996, 234). Most recently, Krumboltz has been developing and integrating ideas about the role of chance (happenstance) in career decision making. Summaries of these theory developments are given below. At the heart of Krumboltz's thinking is Bandura's Social Learning Theory (SLT). Bandura identified three major types of learning experiences:

Social learning theory of career decision-making (SLTCDM)

This theory focuses on teaching clients career decision-making alternatives and makes use of the concept of the `triadic reciprocal interaction' (learning as the interaction with environment and genetic endowment) and emphasises the role of instrumental & associative learning. Consequently, key concepts/tools for the practitioner are reinforcement and modelling. The application of this theory to practice involves the practitioner attempting to identify and correct any incorrect beliefs held by the client about the decision making process. It was developed to address the questions: why people enter particular educational course or jobs; why they may change direction during their lives; why they may express various preferences for different activities at different points in their lives. The following are identified as influential in these processes:

Influential factors

Krumboltz examines the impact of 4 categories of factors: